Mali’s post-independence cultural policy and its musical legacy

Mali has been home to some of Africa’s most celebrated singers and musicians. Prominent figures such as Salif Keita, Ali Farka Touré, Ami Koïta, Oumou Sangaré, Tata Bambo Kouyaté, Kandia Kouyaté, Nahawa Doumbia, Sali Sidibé, Rokia Traoré, and Toumani Diabaté all trace their roots to Mali. These international stars now tour the globe representing Malian music and culture. Many of these artists began their careers a generation earlier, in the decade following independence, when Mali launched an ambitious program to revitalize its indigenous arts. The cultural policies of this period closely resembled those adopted in Guinea under President Sékou Touré.

As was the case in Guinea, the membership of Mali’s musical ensembles and orchestras was heavily drawn from one particular artisan group: the griots.

Music has always occupied a central role in Malian society. Since the founding of the Malian Empire by Soundiata Keita in the thirteenth century, musical performance has been almost exclusively the domain of the griots. Along with leatherworkers, woodcarvers, and blacksmiths, griots constitute an endogamous artisan class known as the nyamakala. Griots serve multiple essential functions within their communities, the most significant being that of oral historian. From childhood they absorb the history of their culture, and each griot possesses an extensive repertoire of epic narratives recounting historical events. Some of these epic songs date back over seven hundred years, describing the era in which Soundiata Keita established his empire. A griot’s profound historical knowledge is widely acknowledged within their society. Griots also perform ceremonial roles at births, deaths, weddings, circumcisions, and other important life events. Within their communities they hold a monopoly on musical performance—only griots are permitted to sing the epic songs or play the traditional instruments associated with them.

A considerable portion of a griot’s repertoire also consists of praise singing. In this role, a griot typically performs for a patron who belongs to the traditional noble class, a social category called the horon. Specific griot lineages often maintain close relationships with particular horon families, serving as their praise singers across many generations. When a griot celebrates the achievements of a patron’s ancestors at important ceremonies, the patron offers a gift or payment in recognition of their service. On such occasions, when a griot extols the glory of a patron’s ancestors, the patrons may feel compelled to give generous rewards. In modern times, wealthy patrons have bestowed upon griots substantial sums of money, gold, houses, and even a jet airplane.

The relationship between griots and the horon changed significantly during the colonial era. A brief examination of colonialism’s impact on Mali is necessary, because the cultural policies enacted after independence—and those still in force today—were a direct reaction to the colonial legacy.

France began its colonization of Mali with military incursions in 1880. Europe’s “scramble for Africa” was underway, and by 1890 a coordinated and well-organized military campaign was in full swing. In 1893, after achieving their primary goal of occupying the entire territory, the French appointed regional governors. These local “chiefs” were chosen without regard for ancestral relationships to traditional rulers; instead, they were selected based on their willingness to implement French colonial policies. Major resistance to French rule was led by Almami Samori Touré, a religious leader whose armies briefly created a new empire, the Empire of Ouassalou. Their territory stretched from the Kankan region in Upper Guinea into parts of southern Mali and western Côte d’Ivoire. Significant opposition to French colonial control ended with Samori Touré’s defeat in 1898.

During the twentieth century, Mali remained largely underdeveloped under French administration. France provided only poor communication networks, health care, and educational systems. In 1959, for example, Mali had the lowest percentage of school-age enrollment in West Africa, at less than ten percent, and barely one thousand students were attending high school. The nation’s road system was among the worst in West Africa, and transportation relied heavily on a single railway line to Dakar, Senegal’s capital.

Independence movements flourished between the two world wars and gained significant momentum through the creation of nationalist groups led by student associations and trade unions. These movements produced two important figures actively involved in the struggle for independence: Mamadou Konaté and Modibo Keita. In 1945 these two young activists founded the Sudanese Bloc, the first political party formed in Soudan Français (as Mali was then known). The party later renamed itself the Union Soudanaise and then allied with the Rassemblement Démocratique Africaine (RDA), a political party active throughout Francophone West Africa. It thus became known as the US-RDA.

As its support base expanded, the US-RDA demanded concessions from France, which eventually granted limited self-government in 1956. By 1958 the US-RDA had become the new nation’s only political party, led by Modibo Keita, a descendant of Soundiata Keita, the founder of the ancient Malian Empire. That same year, Mali entered a federation with Senegal, Benin (formerly Dahomey), and Burkina Faso (formerly Upper Volta) known as the Mali Federation. Under intense pressure from France, Benin and Burkina Faso later withdrew, leaving Senegal and Mali as the remaining members. On June 20, 1960, the Mali Federation obtained independence from France, and Modibo Keita was installed as its first president. However, internal disagreements between Mali and Senegal led to the Federation’s disintegration after only a few months. Keita was essentially expelled from Dakar, the Federation’s capital, and returned by train to Bamako, Mali’s capital. On September 22, 1960, Mali declared itself independent, and Modibo Keita became the nation’s first president.

Politically, Keita’s government turned away from France and developed closer ties with the Soviet bloc and China. The country introduced its own currency, the Franc Malienne, and launched a series of five-year plans. The economy faltered, however, and as discontent grew, Keita sought to placate his radical supporters by initiating a “cultural revolution.” A key component of this revolution was the adoption of an ambitious cultural policy aimed at revitalizing the traditional arts in order to “create and affirm a new national identity.” Keita declared that his government’s duty to the nation was to uphold its culture, for “culture is the alpha and omega of all policy.” He further stated: “We openly affirm that we are party men and we will resolutely take part in every domain of life, even art. We reject art in itself—art for art’s sake.”

Keita placed music at the forefront of the arts, and his cultural policy led to the creation of new ensembles and orchestras that propelled many of the nation’s musicians onto the international stage.

This focus on the creative arts originated in the early days of the independence movement, when Malians were being mobilized through cultural events that supported independence. During the colonial period, theater became the preferred medium of expression. Plays served as a means to recruit young party members and broadcast the US-RDA’s political objectives. As noted by Schulz, plays such as a theatrical version of the epic of Soundiata—the legendary founder of the medieval Malian empire—could be interpreted as an implicit challenge to French colonial rule. A broad discussion of musical styles from this period (1940–1960) is difficult due to a lack of field recordings and documentation.

Although insufficient research has been conducted, surviving recordings indicate that musicians performed and released some material containing a subversive message. During research at the Radio Mali archives, a version of “Samori Touré” was discovered, dating from about 1957, a song dedicated to the famous resistance leader. Another popular song of the time was one that represented an open call to join Mali’s fledgling political organizations. Written around 1946, this song meant “happiness,” and because of it, young people formed associations all across the steppes and savannah lands. In the beginning the Kayra movement was considered a form of juvenile delinquency, but gradually these young people’s associations matured until they became an effective arm of the RDA that contributed to the decolonization process. These associations later became the youth wing of the US-RDA, called the JRDA. The US-RDA, which portrayed itself as a “mass party” reflecting the needs of the entire population, was the major instrument through which central authority governed. In fact, the great majority of towns across the country were represented by a US-RDA member. The US-RDA and JRDA were thus emblematic of all Mali’s citizens, regardless of their ethnicity.

To fully represent Mali’s diverse ethnic groups, national cultural policy focused on establishing a network of orchestras, musical ensembles, and artistic troupes across Mali’s administrative regions. This policy aligned with the US-RDA’s goal of mass representation and was implemented quickly. One of the earliest actions of Keita’s government was the creation in 1960 of a national orchestra: L’Orchestre National “A” de la République du Mali. This was the first ensemble created by the government and one of the earliest musical groups to use electric instruments. In West Africa, orchestras featuring electric instruments were rare at that time; only a few had begun to appear in the late 1950s. Before independence, musical groups in Bamako’s bars and nightclubs typically performed renditions of Cuban songs or Western jazz and pop tunes, usually sung in French or occasionally in Spanish. The popular big bands of the day did not perform songs in a local language, nor did they use traditional instruments or incorporate traditional melodies into their music. L’Orchestre National “A” de la République du Mali was formed by the government one day after independence was proclaimed, and the group consisted of musicians who, as the liner notes stated, were “sworn to serve their country by contributing with all their genius to the protection and revalorization of Malian musical art.”

The orchestra revolutionized Malian music by incorporating melodies and lyrics from traditional repertoires into new compositions. They were largely responsible for the transformation of Malian popular music and were instrumental in creating a distinctive modern style. The orchestra had a profound influence on Malian popular music. It was led by Keletigui Diabaté, a griot and a virtuoso on the balafon and later the electric guitar. Born in Kita, a town noted for producing some of Mali’s most famous griots, Diabaté became a gifted multi-instrumentalist, learning violin, saxophone, and trombone. As chef d’orchestre, he served as the band’s arranger and took the role of soloist on the electric guitar. His training on this instrument owed much to the teaching of Facelli Kanté, a Guinean musician and founding member of Les Ballets Africains. Diabaté lived in Guinea during the late 1950s and was a member of Guinea’s Orchestre de la Garde Républicaine—Première Formation. Like Diabaté, many members of L’Orchestre National “A” de la République du Mali were of the griot caste, and the group pioneered the adaptation of traditional melodies and lyrics for their new electrified ensemble. As the head of the orchestra, Diabaté was largely responsible for introducing griot songs to a modern performance context, thereby making the griot repertoire playable on Western instruments. L’Orchestre National “A” de la République du Mali was thus one of the first orchestras in West Africa, and the first in Mali, to modernize traditional griot songs. The band’s instrumentation included electric guitars and bass, saxophone, trumpet, and a Western-style drum kit.

Performances by L’Orchestre National “A” de la République du Mali were typically limited to state-owned venues and the Presidential palace, where they played for visiting heads of state. This practice honored the traditional role of the griots, who in pre-colonial times served as court musicians for local rulers. The songs on the orchestra’s first album, released through the Malian Ministry of Information, included traditional griot epic narratives such as “Duga” and “Taara,” as well as a track called “Janfa.” Ostensibly a love song about betrayal, “Janfa” uses its lyrics in a nationalistic context to urge Malians not to abandon their cultural heritage. The words were in step with Mali’s official cultural policy: “the present is exalted and hopefully legitimated by a denigration of the immediate past, and the distant past is celebrated to affirm the social cohesion of the community as inheritor of the glories of the past.” An early LP recording released by the government, titled Regard sur le Passé à Travers le Présent—meaning “Looking at the past through the present”—shows how prevalent the idea of using historical events and stories as inspiration for contemporary art had become. In West Africa, musicians often base new songs on older compositions, frequently borrowing lyrics and melodies.

Regard sur le Passé à Travers le Présent borrowed its name from a leading Guinean group, Bembeya Jazz National, who around 1970 released their seminal recording “Regard sur le Passé.” This was perhaps the most famous and influential musical recording ever made in West Africa, and the significance of such titles is central to understanding cultural expression in the region, particularly regarding musical compositions. This approach continues to resonate among artists in West Africa and has also deeply affected many important contemporary non-African artists and musicians. The Art Ensemble of Chicago, for instance, adopted the motto “Great black music: Ancient to the future” and named an influential recording Ancient to the Future.

While L’Orchestre National “A” de la République du Mali was the first ensemble formed under Modibo Keita’s government, it was not the only musical group created through the new cultural policies. At independence, not all of Mali’s talented musicians could be accommodated in one orchestra, so L’Orchestre National “B” de la République du Mali and L’Orchestre National “C” de la République du Mali were formed in subsequent years. These three orchestras brought together the nation’s elite musicians, who further developed and honed their skills in these settings. Many of them achieved later success independently. The personnel of L’Orchestre National “B” included Kassemady Diabaté and Boubacar Diallo, who later performed with the prestigious National Badema and went on to successful solo careers. Madou Sangaré also played with the “B” orchestra and later became the lead guitarist for Kéné Star de Sikasso. L’Orchestre National “C” de la République du Mali’s roster featured Daouda “Flani” Sangaré and Zani Diabaté, who together formed the Super Djata Band.

Alongside these electric orchestras, the government established L’Ensemble Instrumental National du Mali, a group of over thirty musicians who performed exclusively on traditional instruments. Like the smaller troupes artistiques, which represented Mali’s administrative districts, this national ensemble focused on performing traditional songs. In keeping with the national orchestras, the formation of the national ensemble aimed to present material from Mali’s diverse ethnic groups within a unified framework.

This group mirrored the US-RDA’s mass-based approach. With more than thirty musicians from many ethnic backgrounds, the ensemble represented a fusion of tribal identities and their associated musical styles. Creating a national ensemble based on mass representation posed a challenge because Mali’s borders, like many other African nations, were based on arbitrary European-drawn lines that did not reflect traditional land ownership or ethnic divisions. Nonetheless, the ensemble overcame such obstacles by performing a wide-ranging repertoire that included songs in several of Mali’s major languages: Bozo, Dogon, Fula, and Songhaï. L’Ensemble Instrumental National du Mali expressed a new national spirit and symbolized the US-RDA’s vision of a progressive, fraternal nation. In short, they embodied Mali’s new national identity and represented unity—the primary objectives of the country’s cultural policy. The ensemble performed for visiting dignitaries and heads of state at the presidential palace and also held numerous public concerts. To date they have released at least four official recordings, two of which are entirely devoted to renderings of griot epic narratives, underscoring the griots’ influence and their dominance over cultural policy directives.

In addition to L’Orchestre National “A,” orchestras were established in each of Mali’s eight administrative regions: Ségou, Mopti, Sikasso, Kayes, Tombouctou, Gao, Koulikoro, and the district of Bamako. These regional orchestras, like their national counterparts, each included up to thirteen musicians, all paid a salary by the government, which also supplied instruments and equipment. Mali’s state-sponsored orchestras became the prototypes for other bands throughout the region and the continent.

Under President Modibo Keita’s rule from 1960 to 1968 and beyond, these musicians supported the nation’s cultural policy through their renditions of traditional Malian culture in song. The government’s promotion of them as representative artists exposed a desire to mold and define the nation’s cultural identity. Schulz (2002: 4) notes how “traditional culture” in Mali was promoted in ways that show party leaders focused on music and oral traditions as central for creating a sense of identification and belonging.

As was true in Guinea under Sékou Touré, Mali’s cultural policy after independence aimed to affirm national pride after extended colonial rule. State-sponsored groups became the primary agents disseminating and endorsing government programs.

The griot’s role in implementing this policy was critical. As key members of orchestras and the national ensemble, they were directly responsible for spreading government initiatives. McNaughton explains that a griot’s task is to “fill people with the desire to live up to their potential so that society remains strong and vital” (1993: 6). They were an ideal vehicle for policy diffusion. In Mali, as elsewhere in West Africa, griots accompanied government delegations to rural areas, where they explained the Keita government’s new policies and directives to the populace (Cutter 1968: 75). These orchestras and ensembles proved instrumental in conveying the government’s message. According to the liner notes for L’Orchestre Régional de Ségou’s debut album, recorded by Radio Mali and released through the Ministry of Information, the orchestra has suffered “the constriction inflicted on this privileged mode of expression by the dark night of colonialism,” which spread over eighty years, and has felt that attempt at uprooting Malian cultural values (Orchestre Regional de Ségou [1971]).

Thus, presenting itself as an “unequivocal personality objecting to importations” (L’Orchestre Régional de Ségou 1971: liner notes), the orchestra revitalized epics from the griot repertoire, such as Da Monzon, in a modern context. Alongside other Malian groups, they formed a vanguard creating compositions “in which tradition and modernity join in a harmonious union without therefore destroying the distinctive features of the former nor tarnishing the latter” (Musique du Mali. Volume 1. Fanta Sacko [1971]: liner notes). L’Orchestre Régional de Ségou, which later became Super Biton de Ségou, was one of the most popular regional orchestras, winning first prize at the inaugural Biennale of Arts and Culture in Bamako in 1970.

By establishing regional and national orchestras, the government actively encouraged modernizing indigenous artistic traditions. This process allowed the glories of the ancient Mali empire to be relived and retold. The liner notes to the Orchestre Rail-Band du Bamako’s first album state that when the independent countries of Black Africa coordinate their activities to restore their own civilization—an essential attribute of sovereignty—it is important to reserve a choice position for traditional music, which in modern instrumentation answers to the legitimate aspirations of Africa’s peoples (Orchestre Rail-Band du Bamako 1970).

Mali’s cultural strategy sought to inspire the population by presenting new versions of traditional epics recounting glories from the empire. By breathing new life into the stories of Da Monzon, Taara, Almami Samori Touré, Tiramakhan, Bakary Dian, and Soundiata, and showcasing them in a modern performance context, the orchestras demonstrated that the golden age could be resurrected and find relevance today. In this respect, L’Orchestre Régional de Ségou fulfilled the griot’s role, for, as McNaughton notes, a griot’s goal is not solely to explain history but to appropriate it “to motivate people in the here and now” (1987: 284).

The music performed by these regional orchestras was not restricted to modern interpretations of epic narratives. While they were frequent, original compositions often paralleled official policies, and no songs of dissent are known. Lyrical content strongly adhered to Modibo Keita’s socialist policies. For example, there are songs explaining the benefits of rice farmers’ cooperatives, or how under a new Marriage Code, “everybody will be given the one he loves,” ending arranged marriages. Further, Kanté Manfila mentioned a 1974 concert between Les Ambassadeurs and Orchestre Rail-Band, where each band composed an original song for the government’s adult literacy campaign; the audience chose the winner for the campaign (Durán 1991: 23). These groups, along with their state-sponsored counterparts, dominated government venues, recording studios, and state radio, becoming an essential voice for disseminating official policies.

These bands transmitted information about new government initiatives throughout the country (Leydi [1970]: liner notes). A similar policy existed in Senegal, Guinea, and The Gambia.

Modernizing traditional griot songs became extremely popular, turning many musicians into national and international stars. L’Ensemble Instrumental du Mali won a gold medal at the 1969 Pan-African Cultural Festival in Algiers. Its members, including Tata Bambo Kouyaté (who sang as a teenager), Coumba Sidibé, and Sali Sidibé, launched successful careers.

To foster competition, Malian cultural policy aimed to create a national arts festival. The first, the Semaine Nationale de la Jeunesse (National Youth Weeks), was held in 1962. Modeled on Guinea’s Quinzaines, it brought together young artists and athletes from across the country to compete in various categories.

Competitions began at the village level in instrumental, vocal, dance, and theatre. Winners advanced to district, then regional levels, performing with regional troupes. Finals in Bamako assembled winners from each region—a process that could take nearly a year. The government covered transport and expenses.

The Semaines National de la Jeunesse continued annually until the 1968 coup led by Lieutenant Moussa Traoré, which deposed President Keita. The new regime abandoned most of these cultural policies but retained the national festival, renaming it the “Biennale Artistique et Culturelle de la Jeunesse,” known simply as the “Biennale.” Held every two years thereafter, it maintained its purpose of fostering youth talent through competition. In 1970, Bärenreiter-Musicaphon released a series of LPs documenting Mali’s first Biennale. Troupes represented the seven administrative regions—for example, the Orchestre Regional de Ségou featured musicians from Super Biton de Ségou, a better-known independent group, and the Orchestre Regional de Sikasso performed as Kéné Star.

The festivals unquestionably nurtured much of Mali’s leading artistic talent—and Guinea’s as well. Among the stars launched at these events, Tata “Bambo” Kouyaté performed as the “Rising Star” for Bamako in 1963, earning her nickname for her rendition of “Bambo.” Nahawa Doumbia was heard as the “Rising Star” for Sikasso at the 1980 Biennale, which launched her career. Ali Farka Touré performed at many Biennales, and other major figures include Toumani Diabaté, Fissa Maïga, and Ibrahima Dicko.

The aim of the festivals was promoting and democratizing art and culture. Held from 1970 to 1988, they were considered so successful that neighboring countries—Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal, and Niger—adopted similar models, albeit with mixed results. The 1990 Biennale was canceled due to northern rebellion threatening civil war and IMF economic reforms that reduced arts funding. Traoré was ousted in a 1991 coup, and after democratic reforms delayed reintroduction, the Ministry of Culture reinstated the competition in 2001, renamed it the Semaine National des Arts et de la Culture (SNAC).

I attended the 2001 national arts festival in Bamako. By then, an eighth region (Kidal) had been created, and its representatives paraded alongside those from Tombouctou, Ségou, Sikasso, Gao, Kayes, Mopti, and Bamako.

The festival format required each regional troupe to host a soirée with compulsory categories: Modern Orchestra, Traditional Music and Dance, a Ballet accompanied by a traditional ensemble, the Étoile Montante (“Rising Star”) solo vocal competition for young singers, and a Pièce de Théâtre (play). The modern orchestra performed separately the next day. A final category, Objet d’Art (sculpture), was also included. After seven days, Bamako won the Classement Général—the overall prize—with first place in theatre, second place in ballet and sculpture, and third in modern orchestra. In 2003, Bamako won again and received 1,000,000 CFA.

Mali’s cultural policy—supporting representative state-sponsored groups for national arts competitions—resulted in interdependence: the state became the orchestras’ patron. Like the traditional relationship between the horon and the griot, the orchestra fulfilled its obligations through songs extolling government projects. Griots, formerly voices for kings, now promoted Keita’s ideologies—they became the state’s voice. Still, in modernizing their repertoire, the orchestra showed that the nation’s artistic traditions remained relevant after colonial rule.

Graeme Counsel

Notes

Carol H. Schulz (2002: 4). See Counsel 2004 for an examination of cultural policies in Guinea. “Griot” is probably of French origin; the male term is “griot,” female “griotte.” I use “griot” non-gender-specifically unless otherwise indicated. In Mali, men are called jeli, women jelimuso. * Almami Samori Touré. Dedée Konaté & Mogoni Taffé Konaté. See discography. Also Kayra. First recorded in 1957; there are over twenty later versions. Background: The Radiodiffusion-Télévision du Mali (RTM) orchestra. Later known as “B” and “C”: Badema and Super Djata Band. * Bärenreiter-Musicaphon LPs, ca. 1970–1971. * The National Youth Semaine (Nationellast) fyner & producer 103: ALGERS III/Art. Ah, Sall—to earlier; fact & k lk Tire, oh and cross over detail can go into articles??? * 38 (Arbitrance project): Now they grant CD veriosnj pg os Went about note; “Reference”: The State,

Then, note about Bibliography

Prince, Rob. “Premier du Mali.” Folk Roots 74 (n.d.): 17–19.

Schulz, Dorothea. “Recounting the Nation, Re‑membering the Past: The Politics of Culture in Mali, 1960‑1968.” Paper presented at Graduate Workshops in the Humanities and Social Sciences, African Studies Workshop, University of Chicago, USA, January 15.

Discography

Les Ambassadeurs du Motel
Les Ambassadeurs du Motel. Sonafric. SAF 50014. 33⅓ rpm disc.

The Art Ensemble of Chicago
Ancient to the Future. DIW Records. DIW 804. 33⅓ rpm disc.

Bembeya Jazz National
[1970] Regard sur le Passé. Syliphone. SLP 10. 33⅓ rpm disc.

L'Ensemble Instrumental National du Mali
Soundiata ou l'Épopée Mandingue. Mali Kunkan. KO 77.04.10. 33⅓ rpm disc.

L'Ensemble Instrumental National du Mali
Dah‑Monzon ou l'Épopée Bambara. Mali Kunkan. KO 77.04.11. 33⅓ rpm disc.

Konaté, Dedée & Mogoni Taffé Konaté
[1957] Almamy Samory / Doudou Diop. Philips. 79.109. 78 rpm disc.

(1970). Orchestre Régional de Kayes
[1971] Bärenreiter‑Musicaphon. BM 30 L 2604. 33⅓ rpm disc.

(1970). Orchestre Régional de Mopti
[1971] Bärenreiter‑Musicaphon. BM 30 L 2602. 33⅓ rpm disc.

(1970). Orchestre Régional de Ségou
[1971] Bärenreiter‑Musicaphon. BM 30 L 2601. 33⅓ rpm disc.

(1970). Orchestre Régional de Sikasso
[1971] Bärenreiter‑Musicaphon. BM 30 L 2603. 33⅓ rpm disc.

(1970). Troupes Artistiques. Disque 1
[1970] Bärenreiter‑Musicaphon. BM 30 L 2651. 33⅓ rpm disc.

Musiques du Mali. Banzoumana.
[1995] Mélodie. 38901‑2. 2 × Compact discs.

L’Orchestre National “A” de la République du Mali. Bärenreiter‑Musicaphon. BM 30 L 2605. 33⅓ rpm disc.

Regard sur le Passé à Travers le Présent [Orchestras of Ségou, Rail‑Band, Gao & Tjiwara].
1973 Mali Music. MALI 1001. 33⅓ rpm disc.

Super Biton de Segou
Afro Jazz du Mali. Bolibana. 42013‑2. Compact disc.