Female musicianship in Baluu and Kengbe music of the Ilorin people

Female musicianship in African music studies

For many years, scholars focusing on African music, culture, and performance have pointed out the noticeable shortage of research on women's contributions in this field. This study aims to fill that gap by investigating indigenous Baluu and Kengbe music of the Ilorin people as examples of female musicianship. Through descriptive methods, field observation of performances by Iyabo Awero (a Baluu musician in Ilorin) and the Egbe Onikengbe of the Magaji Nda family house in Ilorin, Kwara State, along with a review of existing literature, the research finds that both Baluu and Kengbe are female oral musical arts essential to the cultural and social life of the Ilorin community. History is preserved in their song texts and transmitted orally across generations. These traditional forms are both entertaining and instructive, serving to criticise immorality, indecency, indiscipline, and other socio-cultural issues. The study concludes that indigenous music plays a crucial role in societal growth and development, and women—key participants in indigenous African music performance through forms like Baluu and Kengbe—make substantial contributions to the preservation of indigenous cultural and social values.

Lack of recognition for female musicians in West Africa

A number of researchers, including Duran, Idamoyibo, Marshall, and Scharfenberger, have highlighted the absence of thorough musicological studies and documentation regarding the role of female musicians in the development of African music. There is a perception that women in West Africa are often sidelined as professional music-makers. Katherine Marshall specifically called for additional research into women and music in West Africa, attributing the gap to a male-dominated African studies field and to the patriarchal structures of the communities being studied. Duran argued that examining gender in West African music is vital for a proper understanding of West African culture, and that more work is needed not only on women and music but also on gender roles within musical performances. Idamoyibo added that women have the right to participate in and potentially dominate musical scenes.

Two main reasons have been proposed for this scholarly deficiency. First, the interests and gender of the scholar or ethnographer often influence the topics they choose to examine. Second, many women's rituals are not easily accessible to outsiders. Women's associations and secret societies frequently bar men and cultural outsiders from their activities. Women are the central performers in certain rites of passage, and while some aspects, such as reintroducing girls as women after initiation, may be public, the core of the ritual is often closed off. This has limited the number of researchers who can study these performances. Additionally, stereotypes held by ethnographers regarding women's musical participation have resulted in a narrow perspective. This study therefore examines Baluu and Kengbe music within the Ilorin culture where they originated. Both are secular music forms performed at various social events in Ilorin. As female oral musical arts, this research uncovers their origins, stylistic features, ensemble structures, and points of similarity and difference.

The female gender's place in African music theory

Music in Africa is firmly connected with the female gender. The thesis that "Music is a Woman" suggests that the philosophical essence of traditional African music is intricately tied to the social power of women. The woman represents femininity and the mother-figure in African music performance, often visible in either vocal or instrumental roles. It is not that women perform all or even most traditional music; rather, the music's deeper meaning is associated with women's influence in society. The effect of music on people operates subtly, much like the way women have historically exercised power in traditional African society.

The African woman holds the power that unifies a community. She played a central role in teaching children social, ethical, and moral values. Leith-Ross emphasised that African women were the transmitters of language, history, oral culture, music, dance, habits, and artisanal knowledge. They were the teachers responsible for instilling traditional values in children. In a Kiba performance of the Pedi people in South Africa, Scherzinger describes three concentric circles of participants symbolising a trinity of power. The inner circle of women drummers represents the womb, serving as the performance's foundation. The middle circle of male pipe players symbolises the male role in society. The outer circle of women members represents the female guardians of the community, providing critical observation.

Across various African musical instrument ensembles, the female or mother-figure is frequently referenced. In Yoruba drum ensembles such as Bata, Dundun, and Gangan, the lead drum is called Iya Ilu, or mother drum, alongside a female backing drum called Omele Abo. These drums are named mother or female due to their essential roles. In the Igbin drum ensemble associated with Orisa Obatala, the four drums are named after the deity's four wives, with the largest drum representing the most senior wife. In Okpe Igoru music in Delta State, the drums are named izu-ukiri (mother ukiri), omo-ukiri (baby ukiri), and ukiri evwarien (varied ukiri). The leadership role of the mother drum and the fundamental layer it provides symbolise the woman's central position in African society. Across many cultures, the drum with the deepest tones is known as the mother drum.

Gender strongly influences the type of musical performances in any ethnic group. Women often excel in musical activities focused on rites of passage, which is consistent with their gender roles. Examples include Kengbe music among the Ilorin people, the Shao Awonga mass wedding musical activities among the Shao people in Kwara State, and Obitun in Ondo State. Nketia's study of women in Ghanaian music notes that exclusively women's music was performed at girls' puberty rites and recreational forms like maiden songs.

Numerous female oral musical arts exist across Africa. Besides Baluu and Kengbe of the Ilorin people, there is Ere-Olomoba, an Ilorin-Fulani royal nuptial performance. Related to Kengbe is Adenkum, a female band music of the Akan people in Ghana, which uses hollowed gourds played on palms and laps, accompanied by call-and-response singing. The Surano people perform Dansuom, meaning "Lying in Water," named for a large gourd placed upside down in a metal tub of water while singing in call-and-response. Other notable forms include Akùnyùngbà, Apíntí, and Igbá-títí, three prominent female court music styles in the Alaafin of Oyo's palace used for praising Obas and chiefs. Nnwonkor of the Akan people is performed informally by women in the evenings, commenting on social issues and men's behaviour, accompanied by hand clapping and idiophones. Girls' nubility rites in Ashanti, Ghana, also involve music and dance, and among the Limba in Northern Sierra Leone, women sing and lament at funerals and for the girls' initiation society, Bondo.

However, some African societies feature musical activities that largely exclude women, who are forbidden from even watching, let alone participating. In Egwu Omaba (xylophone music) of Nsukka, women are strictly banned from attending. Idamoyibo argues that these restrictions were for protection, noting that women possess spiritual power to procreate and to defy, and that their touch could neutralise the potency of traditional medicine, particularly during menstruation. He reasons that forbidding women from certain rituals or instruments was not meant for evil but as a protective measure.

A contrast of two female musical arts in Ilorin

Baluu and Kengbe are female oral musical arts unique to Ilorin culture. Both are secular genres performed for entertainment at social events and are central to the community's cultural and social life. While Kengbe can trace its origins to the Igbá-títí court music of the Alaafin of Oyo's palace, it developed, alongside Baluu, within the socio-cultural environment of Ilorin. The name Baluu comes from the Yoruba word for "aeroplane," inspired by the opening dance movement, which mirrors an aeroplane taxiing on runways before taking flight.

Both music styles carry an Islamic religious dimension, inseparable from the faith of the people among whom they are popular. They can be classified as Islamised music, shaped by Islamic doctrine. In terms of Agu's classification of traditional Nigerian music, both fall under the "occasional music" category, performed at specific times strictly for entertainment. They also both use the Ilorin sociolectal variant of Yoruba known as Yorùbá Ilorin.

Kengbe is especially significant for wedding and marriage entertainment, symbolising the marital context. Baluu, by contrast, is performed at a wider variety of social gatherings. In a marriage setting, Kengbe reaches peak intensity on the second day during the night party before the bride's traditional bath. While both genres are primarily female musical arts, the instrumental section of Baluu includes men. In Kengbe, all sections—instrumental, dancers, and singers—are made of women, typically mature, married women. Dance is essential to Baluu; no performance can start without the opening glee dance. Kengbe can sometimes exclude dance if it is deemed too seductive or contrary to religious moral standards. In a Baluu band, the dance section is distinct from the chorus, whereas in Kengbe, the dance section often doubles as the chorus, singing responses to the leader's calls while choreographing the movements.

Both Kengbe and Baluu feature a homophonic texture: the band leader establishes melodic lines, and the chorus repeats the melody. The rhythm exemplifies the complex polyrhythmic nature typical of African music. Baluu songs are usually anacrustic, beginning on a weak beat, while Kengbe songs start on a strong, accented beat. The simple binary form is common to both, with slight variations in the second section of the melodies. Baluu favours a five-tone pentatonic scale, whereas Kengbe is more rooted in a four-tone tetratonic scale. The melodies throughout are founded on poetic rhymes, proverbs, cultural values, historical documentation, religious beliefs, and philosophical expressions, reflecting a core feature of African indigenous music. Speech surrogacy is prevalent in both styles. Melodies are performed in chorus or call-and-response form, and the use of triplets has been observed in songs collected from the field.

Language and structure in Baluu music

Iyabo Awero's Baluu band uses the Yorùbá Ilorin dialect. This variant differs from conventional Oyo-Yoruba in South Western Nigeria because it incorporates words and influences from Fulani, Hausa, Nupe, and Bariba languages. Intonation and pronunciation differ correspondingly. For instance, "Mo" in Oyo Yoruba becomes "Hin" in Yoruba Ilorin. In one song by Awero, the Oyo Yoruba word "to" is replaced with "tii" in Yoruba Ilorin.

Call: “At’orin Atilu” — As for the songs and the instruments
Response: “O dowo’re” — They are committed in your (Allah’s) hands

Call: “Oro mi dowomuhammadutiij’onsenla” — I commit my case into the hands of Muhammad who is the great messenger
Response: “O dowoo’re” — They are committed in your hands

Compositions are built around poetic rhymes, proverbs, philosophical expressions, and exaggerations, all serving the purpose of entertainment. Individual singer's idiolectal peculiarities can be noticed. The texture remains homophonic, with the leader taking the melodic lead while the chorus accompanies in unison, without harmonic implication. Variations on the same melody are repeated simultaneously, with the chorus echoing while the leader elaborates. Melodic lines are typically anhemitonic pentatonic. The rhythmic pattern is polyrhythmic. As typical of indigenous African music, the instrumental section is dominated by male drummers who provide underlying rhythms and accompaniment. The number of drummers in a band varies between approximately three and eight; Awero's band features eight drummers. The lead drummer (Iyaa'lu) establishes the "talking" of the music while other drums provide rhythmic accompaniment, creating a complex rhythmic interplay.

A survey of the Kengbe ensemble

Kengbe is carved from calabash into various shapes—bowl-shaped, gourd-shaped, and pot-like—resembling a water pitcher. Different sizes within the ensemble produce a range of sounds and rhythms. Smaller instruments yield higher pitches, whereas larger ones are low-pitched. It employs a dual sound-production mechanism: a mallet (padded or unpadded) or the player's hand. This flexibility creates complex rhythms, a hallmark of African music. While one hand intermittently covers the hollow cavity, the other strikes the body. The lead player uses a mallet, while backup performers hit the body with their palms or fists (with fingers curled inward). Occasionally, small stones are placed inside to alter resonance. Performers sit with the instrument supported between their legs. Based on these features, Kengbe falls under directly-struck idiophones in African instrument classification.

Fig 1: Photograph taken after a Kengbe performance at Queen’s Secondary School, Ilorin. Two girls hold the Kengbe while squatting in front of other performers. (Researcher’s photo)

Fig 2: A variant of the Kengbe

Fig 3: A woman performing Kengbe in a band. The instrument rests between her legs; her right palm covers the hollow body, while her left hand strikes it.

Fig 4: A Kengbe player striking the body with an unpadded mallet.

Kengbe music uses only calabash instruments of varying shapes and sizes, without additional instruments. It provides the metronome, dance punctuation, and rhythmic accompaniment for songs and dances. In performances, the band leader sings most solo lines, taking the melodic lead. The song below serves as an introductory exposition typically opening their sets.

Bisimilahi pel’ogo oluwa lawa fi’nkorin

With the help of God we sing

Bi moto tin lo, ni keke tin bo niwaju Alimi

as vehicles pass in front of Alimi, so do bicycles

K’ato mi a b’orin wa lo

Before we proceed with the songs

K’ato mi a b’orin wa lo

Before we proceed with the songs

K’asadura fun Iya’yawo kori ma seyi lashemo

Let’s pray that hers would not be the last one

The chorus typically repeats the leader’s melodic lines, creating a homophonic texture.

Fig 5: The researcher and Kengbe musicians posing after a performance at Magaji Nda family house, Ilorin, 11 June 2019.

Fig 6: The researcher, Kengbe musicians, and young trainees after a performance at Magaji Nda family house, Ilorin, 11 June 2019.

Conclusion

This study addresses the argument that West African women are marginalized as professional music makers and contributors to the development of African music. Baluu and Kengbe music are indigenous, secular female oral musical arts specific to the Ilorin people of Kwara State, Nigeria. It examines these traditions through the lens of gender and cultural functionalism within their originating community. Music composition and performance constitute a deliberate artistic act; Baluu and Kengbe musicians draw on their cultural and social awareness to drive their performances. Indigenous music as performance art supports societal growth and development. Yet, unlike other Ilorin indigenous music and arts, more documentation and preservation are needed—particularly for Kengbe music, which has received minimal research. A comparative study of Kengbe in Ilorin and Igbá-títít court music at the Alaafin of Oyo’s palace is strongly recommended.

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