Music, Politics, and the Market: Shaping Music Education in Indonesia
The connection between Western music and Indonesia has always been intertwined with the history of colonialism. For roughly three centuries, colonial powers shaped the forms of music that emerged in the archipelago. European instruments—including the piano, cello, flute, and violin—along with their playing techniques, were introduced and have since become so deeply embedded in Indonesian life that their historical origins are rarely questioned.
But what exactly constitutes "Indonesian music"? It is difficult to offer a simple definition. Much of Indonesia's music carries narrative texts linked to the many foreign nations that passed through and helped animate the country's formation. Even genres recognized as authentically Indonesian, such as Keroncong and Dangdut, represent smooth fusions of different cultural presences.
During Dutch colonial times, many indigenous people worked as musicians. W.R. Supratman, who composed the national anthem "Indonesia Raya" within that colonial atmosphere, is one notable example. Today, that anthem is performed annually with full orchestra. Many of Indonesia's national songs were also conceived with a distinctly Western orientation. The presence of music within the state apparatus became a pivotal milestone for the start of formal music instruction in the country.
In 1952, seven years after independence, President Soekarno established the Sekolah Musik Indonesia in Yogyakarta. This institution was renamed AMI (Academy Music Indonesia) in 1961 and later became ISI (Institut Seni Indonesia) in 1984. Formal music education in Indonesia adopted the classical music model from Europe, teaching piano, voice, strings, brass, and percussion with serious intent. Through this legitimacy, Western classical music became the state's ideal and its officially sanctioned musical choice.
Did Indonesia possess its own music apart from Western forms? And what role did the state play? In the post-independence period, President Soekarno grew anxious about the musical tastes of his people. The global explosion of The Beatles and Elvis Presley had a significant impact on Indonesia's music scene. Soekarno viewed the rock 'n' roll era as a negative influence, dismissing its music as cheap and a poor reflection of Indonesian culture. He prohibited the development of this genre, labeling it Ngak-Ngik-Ngok and arguing it had low artistic value. This ban led to the imprisonment of the popular band Koes Plus in 1965 (Aryandari, 2021).
Soekarno also championed local figures like Waljinah, Benyamin Sueb, and Sam Saimun, presenting them as popular representatives from various regions. Through the Bintang Radio festival, initiated by Radio Republik Indonesia in 1951, certain singers emerged as musicians and legitimate cultural representatives of the nation. The government acted as a Maecenas, protecting and preserving music while directly shaping its development. The Bintang Radio competition featured three genres: Keroncong, Seriosa, and Popular.
The New Order government that took over in 1970 brought a slightly different approach. The rise of the television industry, with music featured as key entertainment, led to the emergence of famous music stars based in the capital. This slowly but surely displaced local musicians. Music was no longer confined to state ceremonies; it began its move into the entertainment industry. Music education evolved too, offering not just classical repertoire but also popular music as supplemental material. During this period, Yamaha—a Japanese corporation already involved in manufacturing instruments like pianos and guitars—introduced non-formal music education as a serious industrial venture. Branches opened in major cities, selling music education systems, instrument retail, and Western classical music courses.
The allure of television, which brought images of idolized musicians into homes, became a beacon of hope for many Indonesians. Expectations of glory and fame changed music's function. Other international corporations, including ABRSM and Trinity, recognized this opportunity and entered the market with curricula legitimized on a global scale. By partnering with famous musicians as aspirational figures, ABRSM and Trinity established themselves as leading references in the capital-driven, non-formal music education arena.
This discussion examines the tensions within Indonesia's music education landscape, tensions rooted in intertwined narratives of history, politics, and industry. Capitalist industries offer new myths that Indonesian consumers adopt unconsciously, shaping musical behavior. History has moved music forward, and politics have influenced society's tastes. But are the state and the people's preferences still connected? Or has the market been free to penetrate music education in Indonesia without restriction?
How the study was conducted
This paper describes the condition of the music education industry in Indonesia, observed over an extended period through several interviews with randomly selected consumers and representatives from non-formal music education institutions. These interviews provided an in-depth look at a powerful phenomenon: the "Mozart effect," a myth said to maximize children's intelligence. This alluring idea tempts many Indonesians to consume non-formal music education, a trend that also generates other social consequences. Western music education in Indonesia, forever attached to its colonial history, offers a rich subject for a multidisciplinary cultural approach. The resulting industrialization has implications for consumerism and lifestyle, which are discussed further here.
Findings and discussion
The Mozart effect is a phenomenon that first gained public attention in the United States in 1993 before spreading worldwide, eventually reaching Indonesia. In the U.S., recordings of Mozart sold exceptionally well following coverage of this effect, even without any official state policy urging citizens to listen to Mozart or include it in school curricula. The effect is generally understood as the positive influence on cognition and behavior resulting from short-term exposure to specific music, primarily that of Mozart (Steele et al., 1999).
The foundational research on the Mozart effect was conducted by Frances Rauscher and colleagues at the University of California. This experiment involved 36 college students divided into three groups. Each group received a 10-minute treatment: one group listened to Mozart's Sonata for Two Pianos in D major, K. 448; another group listened to a relaxation tape; and the final group sat in silence. Immediately after, students completed a spatial-temporal reasoning test based on the Stanford-Binet intelligence scale, which involved imagining the shape of folded and cut paper after it was opened. Students who listened to the Mozart sonata scored significantly higher—by 8 to 9 points (Hernando-Requejo, 2018).
The effect, however, was reported to be very brief, lasting only about 10 to 15 minutes. The researchers themselves concluded that music might temporarily enhance brain function for spatial ability, but only for a few minutes. These findings have been exaggerated in popular culture. The effect's narrow scope—limited in duration and specific to temporal-spatial knowledge—cannot be claimed as a measurable increase in IQ (Perlovsky et al., 2013).
While Rauscher et al. formally discovered and published the phenomenon, the Mozart effect's copyright branding was popularized by music expert Don Campbell, who created the official Mozart Effect website and sold CDs. Rauscher herself never claimed that listening to Mozart could increase intelligence. She stated it was too premature to conclude that Mozart could make a person smarter (Thompson et al., 2001).
From its first appearance in Nature magazine, the report on the Mozart effect spurred considerable research into music and its impact on human development. Although public interest grew enormously, the information reaching the general public was often distorted and embellished. Evidence that Mozart can raise IQ has never been established, but the positive influence of music on temporal-spatial skill development remains notable (Jones & Zigler, 2002).
The myth that music education can boost intelligence is a powerful driver of consumer behavior. In the common sense of the term, a "myth" refers to beliefs that can be proven false. In the case of the Mozart effect, there is no logical link between Mozart's music and IQ increase; the most widespread belief says precisely the opposite of what the scientific evidence supports (Hughes, 2001).
As described earlier, music education in Indonesia originally served state purposes. With the rise of entertainment and television, non-formal music education emerged and found a ready market. The myth of the Mozart effect, inside Indonesia's music education industrialization and outside of it, has dramatically changed how early childhood music instruction is understood. Many programs pitch early music study as a way to increase intelligence.
One prominent example is the Yamaha Music School's "Music Fantasy" program for children aged 1 to 2. Advertisements for this program invite parents to give their children music education as early as possible, claiming that learning music increases intelligence—both cognitive and emotional. Parents are advised to carefully choose music types to keep a positive effect on brain stimulation.
Purwacaraka Music Studio, another company devoted to music education, offers further evidence of this trend. Purwacaraka is a well-known figure in Indonesian music entertainment, and his reputation as a music director on many television programs makes him a trusted name, even though his academic background is in engineering. The studio adapts the ABRSM learning system to local market tastes and offers courses for ages five and up. Its brand, Cerdas Bersama Musik (Smart with Music), promotes programs aiming to create complete musicians—people who can express themselves professionally, creatively, and artistically. With 20 years of experience, this studio has expanded to 76 branches throughout Indonesia and serves about 22,000 students annually.
The Mozart effect journeyed from scientific publication into massive marketing campaigns. Advertising acts like a modern-day enchantress, casting a spell to influence consumers. By tapping into the allure of the Mozart effect, music education program providers found a way to glamorize childhood music study. They offer a variety of often irrelevant promises. The true power of advertising lies here: consumers buy into these raw promises and dreams, rarely questioning them.
Music education and the growth of cities
The story of the Mozart effect has reshaped music education globally. Early music exposure now seems to be an almost unavoidable necessity. The Indonesian Ministry of Education and Culture eventually added music education to the national curriculum, although music occupies a small percentage of total instructional time when put beside other fields of study.
Music, when measured against other disciplines, is not given high priority and is often overlooked. Consequently, its effect on students is less significant. Students rarely cite school music classes as their inspiration to become a musician. Instead, they are far more likely to be inspired by famous bands or aspirational figures from the entertainment industry (Milenkovic, 2015).
The music industry sustains non-formal music schools, as more individuals aspire to become skilled players. Extracurricular education serves as the route to develop talent. Students come from every age group—children, teenagers, and adults. As a result, music learning is a growing business. A lively music industry feeds high levels of public interest in music (Filimon & López-Sintas, 2011).
Running a successful music school requires a viable marketing strategy. Many music education entrepreneurs have their own formulas. One effective approach is to partner with already-famous musicians. Renowned Indonesian drummer Gilang Ramadhan reported that his GRSD (Gilang Ramadhan School of Drums) multiplied from zero to 14 branches in three years. Promotions involve conventional advertising in media, leafleting, and banners, as well as indirect promotion through student appearances at music events. Students are invited participate in events held at shopping centers or other venues, and sometimes to perform with famous musicians. Appearing publicly aids students in developing stage presence and confidence (Bernabé-Valero et al., 2019). Moreover, a student's good performance becomes, in itself, excellent publicity for the school.
It is crucial that everyone involved in education—particularly those leading music education institutions—understands that they hold the quality of the field in their hands. Course programs will likely remain the benchmark of music instruction quality in Indonesia for the foreseeable future. The public school curriculum also needs to offer more fulfilling music education services (Aguilar & Dye, 2020).
This is weighty responsibility, especially because music education remains very limited in its reach. The history of music education in Indonesia is central to understanding this. The entertainment industry concentrates its activities in large cities, which automatically restricts the spread of music education access across a country the size of Indonesia. Beyond geography, the commercialization of music learning creates distinct social classes. Wealthy families view music study as attractive for children in the middle and upper classes. Trend-consciousness and social prestige often drive the parent's primary motivation. In Indonesia, most individuals learn music just to align with a trend or as a leisure activity; it is rarely viewed as a life path (North & Hargreaves, 2007).
Choosing to become a musician is often considered unideal for Indonesian children. The most prestigious career targets remain doctor and engineer. Look at Indonesia's vocational music schools and universities: most enrolled students come either from musician families or are students who were not accepted into other public schools or colleges.
This situation carries a strong irony. Music education was first sold with the promise of improved intelligence. Yet, after all the hype and cost, studying music is often just a secondary option taken if the first plan doesn't work out. Given the considerable expense, what is being offered seems quite temporary once scrutinized (Niknafs, 2020).
The case is somewhat different in Taiwan. A paper by Dr. Pan Li-ming, "West Meets East: The Meaning and Study of Western Classical Music in Taiwan," was presented at a Royal Music Association symposium in Singapore some time ago. The research suggests that many families in Taiwan consider girls who can play classical music to possess valuable capital. Parents view it as an obligation to provide the best classical education, even if they must borrow heavily. A daughter who is skilled in the European classical tradition can marry a man from a top career like a doctor or lawyer. Consequently, the logic runs, this talent raises the entire family's economic standing.
This dynamic is portrayed vividly in Zhang Yimou's historical drama film The Flowers of War. Based on a historical novel about the Nanking Massacre of 1937, the film tells of a group of schoolgirls and prostitutes hiding in a church from a brutal invading army. Soldiers of the Japanese army kill indiscriminately. But when they become made aware that the girls inside can sing beautifully—in a Western classical church style—their purpose shifts. They spare the girls and instead select some of them to be presented to their superiors. Here, music education registers as a code of colonial presence that dictates behavioral codes even in a warzone.
Through Western influence, the Church contributed to shaping music education in China’s eastern regions. Classical music spread across China via ecclesiastical channels and European imperialism. During the Japanese occupation of Nanjing in 1937, students capable of performing classical music were deemed so valuable that they were sent to perform for Japanese military leadership.
Classical music was thus prized by the East, elevating performers’ worth. These narratives reveal connections among history, politics, and economics, and show how music’s spatial positioning, along with its associated repertoire, constructs education.
Conclusion
Music education in Indonesia cannot be separated from its colonial origins. The entertainment industry, emerging in recent decades, has profoundly shaped music education’s development. Initially, the state tailored music education to national needs. Yet when the Mozart Effect gained prominence, music instruction was introduced early, including in schools—though the percentage of students reached remained very low. In the music education industry, which assumed responsibility for much of Indonesia’s musical instruction, the Mozart myth became embodied and archetypal, and consumer patterns shaped musical tastes. The claim that music boosts children’s intelligence became a powerful parental aspiration.
As an established symbol of classical music, Mozart convinced many Indonesians—especially upper-middle-class families with financial means—to display their social status in public. Expensive music education fees trap people in lucrative capital arrangements. Trends and prestige continue to terrorize decision-making about what is best for a child, without careful evaluation.